Alwaght- While the US and Turkey earlier had set a deadline by end of 2025 for the Kurdish militias and interim Syrian government led by Abu Mohammad al-Jolani to agree on a mechanism merging the Kurdish forces into the regular Syrian army, the two sides have failed to strike a deal despite several rounds of negotiations.
Now, in the middle of the concerns about escalation of tensions after end of the deadline, Kurdish militia leaders have visited Damascus hoping to break this security deadlock through direct talks.
In this connection, a military source from the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) said on Sunday that a senior Kurdish delegation, including SDF Commander-in-Chief Mazloum Abdi and General Command members Sozdar Haji and Sipan Hemo, has traveled to Damascus. The SDF Media Center confirmed that during the meetings, the delegation discussed the merger of Kurdish forces into the national army with officials of the interim government. Media reports said the talks were attended not only by Kurdish and Damascus officials but also by Kevin J. Lambert, a US military commander.
This round of talks also appears to have ended without a viable breakthrough to resolve the disputes between the two sides. Syria’s state-run Al-Ikhbariya news network, citing an informed government source, reported that the meetings, held as part of follow-up efforts to implement the March 10, 2025 agreement between Ebdi and al-Jolani, failed to produce outcomes that would accelerate implementation on the ground. The network added that the parties agreed to hold another round of negotiations at a date yet to be determined.
In last March, al-Jolani and Abdi signed an agreement to merge the civilian and military institutions of northeastern Syria into the national army. However, challenges soon emerged over the form and mechanisms of integration. The Syrian interim government, under pressure from Turkey, is pushing for individual, non-organizational enlistment of militia members into the army, insisting that not all armed units be incorporated and that some formations be disarmed. The Kurdish side, meanwhile, has laid out its own conditions, calling for the preservation of the SDF’s organizational identity and for this status to be reflected in Syria’s constitution.
This approach prompted Kurdish forces to pull back from their disarmament commitments. As a result, the agreement has yet to move into the implementation phase. Moreover, sporadic clashes between Kurdish forces and elements of Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS), including incidents in Aleppo, have underscored that the path toward a comprehensive agreement on security arrangements remains long and intricate.
Kurds' political and security demands
Though Kurdish leaders have, under the US pressure, voiced their readiness for merger into the central government structures, as long as their demands are not met, they will not make concessions to the interim government, analysts agree.
Despite his agreement with al-Jolani, Abdi has focused on de-centralization of power in new Syria. The Kurds argue that Syria’s new governing system must be decentralized, democratic, and multiethnic, so that power is not monopolized by Damascus and different regions, including Kurdish-majority areas, can play a genuine role in managing their own affairs. In practical terms, they are calling for a form of political and security autonomy in northern and eastern Syria. These demands have been repeatedly raised in official statements and remain at the core of ongoing talks.
Beyond this, the Kurds are seeking meaningful participation and real representation within state institutions and decision-making centers, including the appointment of several Kurdish ministers and senior officials within Syria’s political power structure. They also stress that the SDF should not be fully dissolved, but instead integrated into the national army or security forces under a formal framework that preserves their local command structure.
So far, however, the al-Jolani government has rejected these demands, and the US officials have also opposed most of them. Thomas Barrack, the US special envoy for Syria, has earlier underscored that Washington supports “a unified Syria with one nation, one army, and one government,” effectively dismissing the Syrian Kurds’ demands in their entirety.
Against this backdrop, Turkey is seeking American go ahead to launch a new operation against Kurdish positions, with the assistance of forces affiliated with the al-Jolani government.
Nevertheless, the al-Jolani government currently appears reluctant to enter a full-scale confrontation with the Kurds. On the one hand, it is grappling with sustained Israeli attacks in the south; on the other, it faces clashes with Druze and Alawite minority groups in other parts of the country, alongside a lack of sufficient power and legitimacy to fully stabilize the situation nationwide. As a result, al-Jolani prefers to keep dialogue with the Kurds alive, hoping that negotiations may eventually yield a way out of Syria’s ongoing security and political disputes.
The SDF hold vast parts of the north and northeast which are rich with oil and gas. They have established their power in these regions on the strength of the US help over the past decade. Losing these achievements and their key energy reserves without receiving significant security and political privileges will cost the Kurdish leaders dearly.
Dim outlook of Kurdish deal with Damascus
Though the US tried to, through making the ground for a deal between al-Jolani and Ebdi, settle the Turkish concerns and steer clear of a new Ankara incursion into northern regions, Washington's diplomacy has so far borne no fruits. Barrack had earlier warned the Kurds that if they fail to agree with Damascus by end of December, "alternative options" could be put on the table. However, Washington officials have not commented in this regard for a while and it is unclear what their alternative options will be and how Washington will react if clashes re-erupt between the two sides.
Meanwhile, Turkey, hoping that the deadline it had set would produce a breakthrough and counting on support from the al-Jolani government to eliminate what it sees as the decades-long threat posed by Syrian Kurds along its southern border, appears to have received little meaningful cooperation from Damascus. As a result, with the latest talks collapsing and the ultimatum expiring, Ankara may move to launch a new operation against Kurdish forces using its allied proxies, the so-called “Syrian National Army,” without the involvement of the al-Jolani government. Such a move could seriously undermine existing security agreements.
At the same time, Kurdish forces, facing persistent Turkish threats, are unwilling to hand over their weapons. Even in the event of an agreement with Damascus, they seek to preserve their current military structure in northern and eastern Syria within the framework of the army and state institutions. The Kurds are demanding the formation of autonomous Kurdish units within the national army, operating under their own commanders rather than figures appointed by the al-Jolani government. For now, they are prolonging repetitive rounds of dialogue in an effort to maintain the status quo, hoping to secure their interests and demands at the negotiating table in the future.
This said, we can say that growing distrust and internal instability in Syria have left the outlook for Kurdish deal with Damascus shrouded in mystery, and should this situation continue, limited clashes of the two sides will prevail. Also, odds are that with increase of pressures of Ankara and Damascus on the Kurds, Tel Aviv seizes the Kurdish need for backing and further destabilizes Syria, and if the American policies are consistent with such an Israeli approach, the Kurdish disarming will not be an easy job.
