Alwaght- Continuing active security diplomacy of Iran, Ali Larijani, the prominent Iranian diplomat who is heading the Supreme National Security Council, this time visited Saudi Arabia as the new destination of his regional visits. The trip to the Arab kingdom is important not just in terms of bilateral relations, but also the broader geopolitical basis of the West Asia region and can remarkably influence the future regional developments by drawing Tehran-Riyadh's views closer.
While this trip was officially framed as a response to that of Saudi Arabia's Defense Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman, who made a significant and surprise trip to Tehran in May to deliver the Saudi king's message to the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution Sayyed Ali Khamenei, the extensive developments in the region since then—particularly the 12-day war between Iran and the Israeli regime and, more recently, Israel's unprecedented attack on Qatar—could impart different agendas and a new substance to Larijani's talks with senior Saudi officials, potentially altering the course of Tehran-Riyadh interactions once more.
In this relation, in an interview, Larijani told state television, officially called IRIB, that the visit involved discussions on various topics, including economic, defense, and regional cooperation.
Pointing to the low level of economic ties between Iran and Saudi Arabia, Larijani noted that the visit addressed existing obstacles to expanding economic cooperation and explored pathways for regional stability.
He also held that defense cooperation between Iran and Saudi Arabia was reviewed, stating, "It was agreed that these efforts would be pursued through working groups, which will hopefully take on a more organized structure in the future."
Commenting on the shift in strategy among Arab countries following the Israeli regime's attack on Qatar, Iran's top security official said, "Our Saudi friends already had a relatively clear view of these developments, and now it has become much clearer."
"Countries across the region now more tangibly perceive the validity of Iran's long-held position that an adventurous element in the region prevents stability from being achieved," Larijani added.
Meanwhile, Saudi defense minister stated following his meeting with Larijani: "In my meeting with Ali Larijani, Secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council [in Riyadh], we reviewed Saudi-Iranian relations. In addition to addressing a number of issues and topics of common concern, we discussed regional developments and the efforts being made to achieve security and stability."
These positions clearly indicate that both sides emphasize the necessity of strengthening efforts to accelerate bilateral cooperation based on the Beijing Agreement and to open new horizons grounded in the new realities of the region and the world.
Undoubtedly, one of these new realities pertains to the strategy of chaos pursued by the Israeli regime in the region with the full support of the US administration. With no clear red lines left for Israeli aggression against regional states, no party can now consider itself safe from the destabilizing policies of this regime. Without a regional consensus to establish collective deterrence, it remains uncertain when and where the unbridled aggression of Tel Aviv's leaders will stop.
The attack on Qatar, on the southern shores of the Persian Gulf and within earshot of the US military's most critical overseas base which is also home to CENTCOM headquarters, has sounded a stark alarm for those who had trusted American security guarantees. It demonstrates that Tel Aviv, in a desperate bid to escape the quagmire of the Gaza war, has embarked on an apocalyptic strategy, showing no hesitation in sinking the entire regional security architecture, obliterating geopolitical red lines, and plunging the region into complete chaos.
Iran and Saudi Arabia are key stakeholders and influential players across multiple regional issues—from the Yemen conflict and Gulf maritime security to the Syrian crisis, developments in Lebanon, and, most critically, the Palestinian issue and the war in Gaza. This centrality means that any convergence between these two regional actors would have consequences far beyond their bilateral relations. Such a rapprochement could forge a new security order in West Asia, one no longer centered on American guarantees but built on the initiative of regional actors themselves.
In effect, after years of intense tension and rivalry, a shared reality and a clear common threat, Israel's destabilizing policies, have now created a foundation for Tehran and Riyadh to recognize the necessity of cooperation and dialogue more than ever before. As Larijani emphasized, Arab states now understand more acutely than ever that overlooking the threat of the Israeli regime and relying on the US security umbrella has not brought stability, but has instead become a catalyst for escalating crises.
In this climate, the enhancement of defense and security cooperation between Iran and Saudi Arabia—a key proposal from Larijani's visit to Riyadh—could be the first step toward establishing a regional deterrent against Israel. If coupled with initiatives on economic and energy cooperation, this partnership has the potential to become a new model for regional integration. This model could not only help de-escalate tensions in theaters like Yemen but also aid in managing more complex crises in Lebanon and Syria. It would also address, from the Saudi perspective, the dangers posed by the regime's boundless territorial expansionism, which now threatens Saudi borders.
Furthermore, new global realities are also pushing Tehran and Riyadh toward greater cooperation. The shifting balance of power in the international system, the increased US-China competition, and the emergence of a multipolar world order are driving regional states to pursue a more balanced foreign policy that leans on neighboring countries. The Chinese-brokered rapprochement deal between Iran and Saudi Arabia in March 2023 was the first step on this path. Larijani's recent visit to Riyadh can be seen as the second phase converting political understandings into practical, institutionalized cooperation.
Naturally, this path will not be unchallenged. Lingering competition and gaps in views on certain regional issues, coupled with external pressure, particularly from Washington and Tel Aviv on Riyadh, present significant obstacles to a Tehran-Riyadh rapprochement. However, the continuation of dialogue and the presence of overarching strategic common interests could eventually overcome these hurdles, gradually paving the way for a new, regionally-defined security architecture.
Should the Saudis realistically view the dangers posed by the Israeli regime's destabilizing policies, their current adversarial stance with the Islamic Republic regarding the nature and armament of resistance groups that battle the Israeli expansionism would likely diminish. This could lead to a clearer recognition of the fact that these resistance forces are on the front lines of the regional effort to counter the threat posed by the Israeli war machine.
Overall, Larijani's Riyadh visit should be seen as a turning point in Iran's security diplomacy, as well as a test for the two countries resolve to cross the past gaps and embrace a shared future which should emerge, it can fundamentally transform the power equations in West Asia and influence the fate of many of the regional crises.
