Alwaght- A month after Iraqi Kurdistan's referendum, the Iraqi military operation in the “disputed regions”, and the ensuing retreat of the Kurdish Peshmerga forces from Kirkuk as the main sticking point between Baghdad and Erbil after ISIS terrorist group’s rise in the country, and also preparations to start negotiations to debate the future of relations between the autonomous region and the central government, now the border and airport control rises as one of the main points of disagreement between the two sides. Units from the Iraqi army last Tuesday were deployed to Habur border region in northern Iraq, between Kurdistan’s Zakho and Turkey’s Silopi towns, which means now the travelers have to pass both the Erbil-run and Baghdad-run checkpoints.
The regional government’s authorities on Thursday, November 2 announced that they made a proposal to Baghdad officials to settle the rift over who will control the border crossings, adding that they suggested that Erbil and Baghdad forces jointly operate the border gates under the US-led military coalition’s supervision.
Responding to the suggestion, Baghdad leaders said that in every country, border control is a central government's mandate and is a certain right marking the state’s sovereignty. Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi of Iraq on October 26 noted that the main aim of the temporary ceasefire was to give the Peshmerga fighters opportunity to back down from their positions in the disputed areas and so allow the central government’s troops to take control of the border regions.
In the meantime, the Iraqi army’s Joint Operations Command on November 1 released a statement, saying that it had orders to dispatch forces to the contested areas and the Kurdish region’s borders with Iran, Turkey, and Syria. “According to the orders, the Iraqi federal army has duty to secure the disputed regions and border of the country,” the statement read. The statement further argued that the Kurdish region was taking advantage of the truce to “buy time” for strengthening the Peshmerga forces on the front lines. The JOC, additionally, stated that the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is busy transferring forces to set up new defense lines while the fire is held.
On the opposite side, the Kurdish officials insist that border gates within the regional territory should be operated by the regional government. The KRG has announced that it will approve of the central government’s supervision of the border gates but they should remain in the hands of the regional authorities.
Kurdish region’s borders with neighboring countries
Here is a list of the official border crossings with Iran
- Tamrchin in Western Azerbaijan province
- Bashmakh in Kurdistan province
- Parviz Khan in Kermanshah province
And also there are unofficial border points connecting the two sides' territories all linking Kurdish region to the northwestern and western Iranian provinces:
- Suseh Kan
- Siranband
- Qassemrash
Baghdad earlier took control of all of the above-mentioned border points with Iran that were under control of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) following a deal struck with the Kurdish party.
Border gates with Turkey
Ibrahim Khalil is an official border crossing linking Turkey to the northern Iraq. Before the September 25 independence referendum held by Erbil, the Turkish authorities talked of intention to open four more border routes with the Kurdistan region. Prime Minister Binali Yidrim of Turkey on October 31 said that Ankara has approved a plan to construct a new border crossing with Iraq along its territories leading to Iraq’s Tal Afar city, which stands some 40 kilometer west of Mosul in Nineveh province.
The Ibrahim Khalil crossing has been held by the Peshmerga forces since fall of the former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein in 2003, before it was recently seized by the federal troops.
Border gate with Syria
Fish-Habur border area hosts a pipeline taking Kurdistan region’s oil to Turkey’s Cihan Port. Since October 2012, Kurdistan government has been independently exporting oil from Kirkuk and its own territories' oilfields through Turkey.
Regional airports
The Kurdish region has two operational airport, one in the capital Erbil and the other in Sulaymaniyah, the region’s second largest city and bastion of the PUK. They played crucial role in recent years in Erbil’s expansion of foreign relations. Until 1991, Erbil International Airport was a military base, and during 2004, it hosted the American military flights. The airport flourished during the war period as major Iraqi airports in large cities like Baghdad and Basra faced frequent closures because of the constant chaos that followed Baathist regime’s collapse.
Why are border crossings and airports significant?
Without any doubt, controlling the border regions is vital for the Kurdish government. By doing so, Erbil can resume oil exports which account for its leading source of income. Nearly four years ago, Erbil debuted its oil pipeline to Turkey, facilitating large amounts of oil export to the Turkish Cihan Port. It has the capacity to send out 150,000 oil barrels per day.
Another key issue making border control worth arguing for is the region’s business with the neighboring countries that is largely done through ground routes. With its internal industry poor, the region is in desperate need of imports. Figures suggest that between 80 and 90 percent of the Kurdistan goods come from Turkey and Iran. Ibrahim Khalil, Iraq’s largest border route, shoulders the largest portion of Kurdistan imports.
Still another profitable area marking importance of border control for the Kurds is tourism which is chiefly facilitated by land borders.
The airports also play their own crucial role. The regional government internationalized its two airports over the past decade, paving the way for Erbil to diversify its foreign trade partners. This even served its military strength by allowing for arms imports through air. Such significance solidifies the KRG’s resolve to maintain the border regions.
But, on the other side, Iraq stresses on taking control of the border regions for a series of goals:
- Restoring national power which has largely shrunken after US invasion in early 2000s and also emergence of ISIS in 2014
- Watching border movements especially by terrorists coming from the Syrian territories
- Establishing new sources of income through operating the customs
- Repulsing more Kurdish secessionist scenarios in the future
- Putting strains on the KRG to accede to unconditional referendum results cancellation
Constitution
The commonly stressed point by Baghdad and Erbil leaders for the prospective dialogue is finding a solution to the rifts by reference to the national constitution. Therefore, it is decisive for both sides to bow to the constitution when it comes to addressing the border dispute. The Article 108 of the constitution assertively commissions the federal forces with guarding and controlling the border regions and crossings.
“The federal authorities will have the following powers: Drawing up and executing national defense policy including setting up and operating the armed forces to ensure the protection and security of Iraq's borders and its defense,” Article 108's second item reads.
However, the Article 111 tasks the federal and regional authorities to jointly run the customs.
Article 111: “The following duties will be shared by the federal and regional authorities: (item 1) Administering customs, in coordination with the regional (governments and the provinces that didn't make it into a region), and this will be regulated by law.”
Baghdad holds more play cards for talks
Beside legitimacy of Baghdad demand to extend its authority to the border regions, the field realities, including the Kurdish weakness caused by recent defeats and retreat of the Peshmerga fighters from the disputed areas on the one hand and appearance of divisions between the major Kurdish parties on the other hand, have boosted the central government’s maneuvering and bargaining power for the future talks.
This is not the only Erbil trouble. Iraq’s neighbors, Turkey and Iran, have called on the Kurds to transfer border control to the federal government, further pressing the KRG to the wall. Ankara lashes out at Masoud Barzani of Kurdistan, the driver of the secession bid, for his failure to check free circulation of the Kurdistan Workers Party's (PKK), Turkey’s archenemy, in the northern Iraqi mountains that fall under rule of the Kurdish authorities. Turkeys feeling of insecurity is the main drive behind its push for Baghdad takeover of the border regions.
Plagued by a low negotiating position in front of lofty-handed Baghdad, Erbil leaders are unlikely to be able to impose their aspirations on Iraq in any negotiations. Knowing well that maintaining border regions is no longer an available choice, the Kurdish officials proposed coalition-watched joint border control, a suggestion Baghdad strongly rejected.
