Alwaght- Over the past two years of the Israeli aggression on Gaza, many reports emerged to talk about torture and abuse of the Palestinian prisoners in the Israeli prisons. One of the most recurrent cases of torture is sexual abuse and rape of the prisoners, both men and women, by the Israeli army personnel, something having precedents and following a systematic and bwgavorial model used in the Israeli security and military institutions. But the important point is that the Palestinians are not the only victims of systematic abuse in the army and security forces, but also many Israeli civilians in the occupied territories fall victim to mistreatment, rape, and other forms of sexual abuse.
While the Israeli military's censorship office is rigorously working to prevent information regarding extensive sexual abuse and corruption among its military personnel from leaking out, new signs and clues about this issue continuously make their way into the media.
Recently, Times of Israel reported that Finance Minister Betzalel Smotrich stated in a meeting of his party in the Knesset that he intends to ask his daughter not to join the military.
"If my daughter asks me, I will try to teach her not to serve in the army," Smotrich was quoted as saying.
At first glance, this position may seem related to the opposition of religious Zionists or Haredim to mandatory military service; however, the reality is more nuanced. Smotrich, who has a brief experience of military service at the age of 28, indirectly refers to the opposition of the Chief Rabbi. Since senior rabbis in the Israeli regime consider the presence of women in the military to be contrary to modesty, it is clear that Smotrich's remarks, given his lived experience in the army, serve as a sort of endorsement of the religious authorities' positions.
In a society where nearly all citizens have a history of serving in the military and reserve forces, sexual abuse of women has become such an evident and unhidden issue that many Israeli women choose to engage in public service instead of military service. Consequently, only a small number of women graduating from religious schools in the occupied territories join the army.
Organized and institutionalized sexual corruption within the Israeli army has led to the establishment of a sexual crisis center, which provides "emotional support" to both male and female soldiers who have been victims of sexual crimes during their military service, whether on or off base. This center also assists soldiers who have experienced sexual harassment or assault prior to their enlistment.
Reports indicate that in 2012, the center received 777 reports, in 2013 it received 930, and in 2014 it documented 1,073 cases of sexual crimes. In a notorious case from 2005, described as the worst sexual abuse scandal in the army's history, at least 17 Israeli soldiers were questioned for the rape of an 11-year-old girl who was living with her family at an air force base in southern Israel.
Army sexual abuses under Knesset Defense Committee's spotlight
The increase in sexual harassment legal cases within the military in recent years has prompted the Knesset's Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee to intervene in May 2025.
In a special meeting, the committee examined how sexual crimes in the military were addressed during 2023 and 2024. This meeting presented a concerning picture of a rising and structural trend in cases of sexual harassment and assault within the military rather than just a routine administrative report. Official military statistics indicate that the number of recorded reports has risen from 668 cases in 2014 to 2,092 cases in 2024, a more than threefold increase over a decade, highlighting a worsening crisis within the military body according to many observers.
According to data presented at this meeting, 73 percent of incidents occurred within the military framework and during service, indicating that most violations did not happen on the margins but rather within the military structure itself. In terms of types of offenses, a wide range of issues is reported, including verbal harassment (30 percent), inappropriate physical contact (23 percent), indecent acts (19 percent), and the creation of hostile environments (16 percent), with more severe cases such as rape, attempted rape, or sodomy accounting for approximately 2 percent. Women represent 82 percent of the complainants, with a significant portion of the accused being conscripted soldiers and permanent personnel.
Despite 451 cases in 2024 requiring military police investigations, only 235 victims chose to file formal complaints, figures that may reflect a lack of trust or significant considerations in pursuing legal action. In the end, only 49 indictments were issued, and a considerable number of cases were either referred to internal disciplinary processes or dismissed by the military prosecution.
Judicial crisis: Complaints that lead nowhere
The increase in the number of the mainly female victims in the army in 2015 motivated establishment of a legal unit for supporting the soldiers having falling victim to sexual crimes.
According to military judicial law, the punishment for rape committed by an individual is 20 years in prison, and if committed jointly by three soldiers, the punishment is life imprisonment. The military judicial law treats violations of the "Sexual Harassment Prevention Act" enacted in 1998, as long as the accused has a rank lower than that of a lieutenant as a "military offense" for disciplinary proceedings. Under this law, the punishment for sexual harassment, including extortion for sexual acts, indecent acts, repeated proposals, or sexually charged statements, ranges between two to four years of imprisonment, in addition to requiring compensation to the victim.
Despite these stringent laws, avenues for escaping punishment remain open for offenders, particularly senior military officers.
Among the highest-ranking civilian officials convicted of sexual crimes in recent years is former Israeli President Moshe Katsav, who was sentenced to only seven years in prison despite committing severe sexual offenses. After serving two-thirds of his sentence, his request for parole was accepted by the parole board on December 18, 2016, and he was released.
In another high-profile case, former Defense Minister and military officer Isaac Mordechai was convicted in 2001 of two counts of sexual assault. This Israeli army officer, implicated in a sex scandal, previously harassed female soldiers and was allowed to remain in his position.
In yet another case, on December 18, 2016, a brigadier general was convicted by a military court in Tel Aviv for committing sexual crimes against female soldiers under his command. This conviction is said to pertain to the highest-ranking officer in the Israeli army convicted in such crimes, based on his confession as part of a plea bargain agreement.
This general was initially charged with serious sexual crimes, including rape, indecent acts, and behavior inconsistent with the dignity of officers. However, according to the amended indictment based on the plea agreement, he admitted to lesser charges, such as engaging in consensual prohibited sexual relations and behaving in a manner inconsistent with the dignity of an officer. Since he resigned from military service shortly after the initial indictment was issued and before reaching the plea agreement, he was only demoted in rank, and the conviction did not affect his retirement benefits.
Account of a victim
In the meeting of the Defense Committee of the Knesset held in May 2025, Nova Rothschild who was victim to sexual abuse during her military service told the committee:
"For several months, I was sexually assaulted by my direct commander while serving in the military, a harrowing experience that has etched itself into my mind and body. Driven by fear, I resolved to fight back: I filed a complaint, participated in a face-to-face confrontation, testified, and attended every court session. All I wanted was for my voice to be heard and believed. Throughout the grueling judicial process, I repeatedly heard the same tired arguments: He is an officer; he has dedicated his time and service to the country. But what about me? I am a warrior too. I have sacrificed everything for the values of the army. Yet, it was that very army that abandoned me. I found myself trapped in a system that venerates its commanders even when they trample on fundamental values. I am not just a line in a courtroom ruling. I am a young woman who has given everything and endured immense pain. This system was not designed for me; it does not see me. It sees officers, ranks, and considerations of punishment. The victim—me—has been pushed to the sidelines of the court’s verdict; I have become a case number, a few lines on a page, a mere footnote in a broader narrative. And this is not a rare occurrence, sadly, it happens repeatedly. This is a system that speaks grandly about intolerance toward sexual crimes, yet in practice, it accommodates, remains silent, and chooses to turn a blind eye to the reality."
The account of Nova Rothschild and others who have broken their silence is just the tip of the iceberg; a tip of many stories who could never find their way to publicity. As long as fear, hierarchical considerations, and the veneration of command structures overshadow the mechanisms for supporting victims, these suppressed voices will remain in the shadows; and the crisis will persist, extending beyond official statistics, deep within the fabric of the system.
