Alwaght- In the past few years, Turkey has gone beyond its political and geographic borders either by means of cross-border military operations or through sealing security and military pacts with the other countries. The Turkish military bases in West Asia and Africa make it clear that Ankara leaders have created a strategic triangle in the Red Sea, Persian Gulf, and the Indian Ocean. The Turkish army established its presence in the three regions by building military bases in Sudan's Suakin island, in Somalia, and also in Qatar, which is the largest cross-border military base of the country. There are reasons behind Turkish government’s struggles to gain a foothold in these regions.
Powers compete over significant African spots
At the time being, there are two competing camps in the Red Sea region: the camp of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE, and the Israeli regime, and the camp of Russia, Turkey, Qatar, and Sudan. Race over a sway in the Horn of Africa as well as Red Sea coasts proves to be of special importance for the Turkish decision makers. By engagement in such a struggle, Turkey pursues three goals: Securing presence in Europe, Africa, and Asia trade hub, influencing the Egyptian developments which are highly important for the Turkish leaders, and also impacting the Saudi Arabian policies. These are only part of the goals standing as driving force behind the military and economic ambitions of Turkey in the region. Turkey has secured a now-recognized presence in Somalia and Sudan and now presents itself as a notable party in the vicinity of Red Sea. Presence in Sudan’s Suakin port city very especially contributes to the Turkish weight gain.
Qatar as an ally to Turkey in West Asia region is trying to benefit from expansion of Ankara’s influence in the Red Sea. Sudan, Qatar, and Turkey, following a meeting of their defense ministers in the Sudanese capital Khartoum on 9 January 2017, agreed to increase their partnership in the Red Sea. The trio can have a major share in this region’s future and thus affect the Qatari-Saudi relations. This cooperation at the same time can spawn a period of fresh rifts and confrontations in the Red Sea area.
On the other side, the Turkish presence is much more preferred by the people of these African countries than that of the US, Britain, France, or even China and Russia. After all, a Muslim group or army is much more useful in terms of the defense of interests than a non-Muslim party is.
The Red Sea is transforming into a theater for presence of the various powers. China has hired a Djibouti island that hosts its military base. Germans are also present in the region. The same case is also with the Israeli regime which has access to the Red Sea through Jordan's Port of Aqaba. Rise of the Turkish-Sudanese-Qatari camp as a supporter of Muslim Brotherhood (MB), an Islamist movement under Egyptian government’s crackdown, near the Egyptian borders is another outcome of the Turkish resolution to expand its military presence in Africa. The sensitivity of the case is because of the tensions that sparked between Ankara and Cairo following ousting of MB-affiliated President Mohamed Morsi by the military in 2013. Since then, Turkey and Egypt witnessed frayed relations.
Somalia significance
Mogadishu, the capital city of Somalia, is the site of the first Turkish military base in Africa and Turkey’s second cross-border military base. The Somalian place in the Turkish foreign policy is because of the African nation’s geostrategic position and its markets. Suakin island also occupies a key place in the Turkish leaders' policy due to its trade significance.
Turkey formerly had strong trade ties with Iraq and Syria, but the war ruined the business opportunities and hit the exports to the two countries, leaving Ankara obliged to seek new markets. To this end, Ankara intensified relations with the African states. Turkey's business ties with these states can improve the political and economic position of the country in West Asia and Africa.
Somalia, a country with coastal borders with the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea in the north, found a special place in the strategic visions of powers. The country got even profound significance after Suez Canal, connecting the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian Ocean through the Red Sea and the Strait of Aden, was opened in the late 19th century. Somalia has some 3330 kilometers of coastal line, the longest one in the Africa continent. In fact, the countries with desire for a presence in the Gulf of Aden are already aware of how important Somalia is.
Saudi Arabia, another regional competitor, strongly reacted to the Turkish pursuit of influence there, deeming it a threat to its interests. The Saudi rulers think that any strong foot of Ankara in Africa will mean impaired position of Cairo, an ally to Riyadh, among the other African states. Being concerned over Turkish influence in Red Sea, Bab-el-Mandeb and Gulf of Aden, Saudi Arabia and the UAE eye gaining foothold in Djibouti, Somaliland, and Eritrea.
Influence in the Horn of Africa and Somalia is of significance for Saudi Arabia because it allows broader access to the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea and will offer an alternative transit area once the Strait of Hormuz, a key energy transit route, is, as the Saudis put it, threatened with closure by Iran. It appears that Saudi Arabia is very seriously considering a stronger presence in the region as its policies on the crisis-hit Syria have met their failure.
Following the Eastern Bloc collapse in the early 1990s, Turkey reconsidered its foreign policy lines and embarked on a pragmatic and active policy in a bid to become a top regional power with strengthened security. Nevertheless, to achieve such a goal turkey should prepare such grounds as military might, cultural, economic, ideological, geo-demographic, and geo-scientific qualifications on their highest levels. Saudi Arabia that dreams of leading Sunni Muslim World, considers Turkey's outstretching attempts as danger and persistently seeks to forge new alliances against Turkey in North and Northwest Africa.
